Governmentality, calculation, territory 외

 

 

 ★Elden S, 2007, "Governmentality, calculation, territory" Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 25(3) 562 – 580.

 

Abstract

In this paper I discuss Foucault’s two recently published courses, Sécurité, Territoire, Population and Naissance de la Biopolitique. Foucault notes that he has undertaken a genealogy of the modern state and its different apparatuses from the perspective of a history of governmental reason, taking into account society, economy, population, security, and liberty. In the “Governmentality” lecture—the fourth of the first course—Foucault says that the series of the title—that is, security, territory, population—becomes “security, population, government”. In other words, territory is removed and government appended. And, yet, the issue of territory continually emerges only to be repeatedly marginalised, eclipsed, and underplayed. A key concern of the course is the politics of calculation which Foucault discusses through the development of political arithmetic, population statistics, and political economy. Explicitly challenging Foucault’s readings of Machiavelli and the Peace of Westphalia, I argue that territorial strategies should themselves be read as calculative, with the same kinds of mechanisms brought to bear on populations applied here too. I therefore discuss how Foucault’s discussions of political economy, the police, and calculation are useful in thinking the history of the concept of territory

★Raco M, Imrie R, 2000, "Governmentality and rights and responsibilities in urban policy" Environment and Planning A 32(12) 2187 – 2204

Abstract.

We deploy aspects of Foucault's concept of governmentality to discuss the argument that the recent shift towards a 'rights and responsibilities' agenda in urban policy is part of broader transformations in the rationalities and techniques of government. Following Rose, we characterise the emergent forms of urban policy as part of `advanced liberalism' or strategies which seek to activate citizens, individually and collectively, to take greater responsibility for their own government. Such strategies are, as Rose notes, seeking to govern through the instrumentalisation of the self-governing properties of the subjects of government themselves in a whole variety of locales. We develop the argument in three parts. The first part justifies the use of a Foucauldian framework in seeking to understand the new political and policy agenda on 'rights and responsibilities'. In a second part, we investigate the changing nature of governmental rationalities and techniques of governmentality primarily through the context of the Single Regeneration Budget. In so doing, we consider two interrelated dimensions of the rationalities and techniques of government which seek to shape and guide what Foucault refers to as `the conduct of others' or those that are the objects of government, that is, active citizens. These dimensions are government through community and the specification of subjects of government. We conclude by specifying the importance we attach to using a Foucauldian framework for the analysis of urban policy and policy processes more generally.

 

★Bruce Braun, "Producing vertical territory: geology and governmentality in late Victorian Canada", Cultural Geographies January 2000   vol. 7  no. 1  7-46.

 

Abstract

This paper relates developments in the science of geology to forms of governmental rationality in Canada during the late nineteenth century. By so doing it opens for discussion a topic rarely broached by political theorists: the role that the earth sciences played in the historical evolution of forms of political rationality. The paper contests theoretical approaches that understand the relation between scientific knowledge and state rationality as only instrumental. Instead, the paper demonstrates how attending to the temporality of science (as evident in the emergence of specifically geological ways of seeing nature during the period) helps us understand the ways in which science is constitutive of political rationality, rather than merely its instrument. This argument is developed through a critique of Michel Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’, a concept that historicizes political rationality, yet remains silent on how the physical sciences contributed to its varied forms. The paper concludes with reflections on the implications of such an argument for theories of the social production of nature.

 

Matthew G. Hannah., "The spatial politics of governmental knowledge", Governmentality and the Mastery of Territory in Nineteenth-Century America, pp.113-159.

 

Matthew G. Hannah., "Manhood, space and governmental regulation", Governmentality and the Mastery of Territory in Nineteenth-Century America, pp.188-219.

 

 

 

★Alessandro Lai, Giulia Leoni and Riccardo Stacchezzini, "Governmentality rationales and calculative devices: the rejection of a territorial barter proposed by the King of Spain"

 

Abstract
Almost 400 years ago, a territorial barter proposed by the King of Spain was refused by Ferdinando Gonzaga, Duke of Mantova and Marquis of Monferrato. The barter would have stated the exchange of Monferrato with the Isle of Sardinia, a Vice-Reign of the Spanish kingdom.
It was the 1618 when a Duke’s advisor drafted a report (“Relatione dell’Isola di Sardigna”) to highlight the financial and governmental matters of the island. This “Relatione”, together with the written correspondence among the governors and their advisors engaged in the deal, let us investigate the information that allowed the Duke to take his decision about the barter by considering the effects on the duchy welfare as well as the risks related to at-a-distance government.
Drawing on the Foucauldian governmentality framework, we demonstrate that the barter denial has been the output of a rational behaviour driven by territorial governability aims

 

★Sarah Starkweather, "Governmentality, territory and the U.S. census: The 2004 Overseas Enumeration Test", Political Geography, Volume 28, Issue 4, pp.239-247
 

Abstract
In this article, I analyze the transcripts of Congressional hearings held in 1999, 2001 and 2004 on an Overseas Enumeration Test conducted by the United States Census Bureau in order to evaluate the prospect of including American citizens living abroad in the decennial census. As both citizen groups and state actors attempted to define the proper role of the census as a right (and a rite) of citizenship for Americans living abroad, the debate was framed by two distinct discourses of the function of the census in American society. First, some described participation in the census as an affective practice that is rich in symbolic meaning, one which both affirms individual identity and signifies belonging to the national community. on the other hand, the census was also portrayed as a technical process that must above all be accurate and efficient, with meaning derived from the application of accepted procedures in order to generate statistically valid data. I argue that, although the nation-building and data-generating functions of the census are not inherently contradictory, in this case they could not be reconciled because the population in question does not align with the national territorial borders that guide and delimit census procedures. The difficulty of balancing inclusion and accuracy to expand enumeration beyond territorial borders thus raises questions about the mutually constitutive relationship between territory and techniques of governance.

 

M. Farish, "Maps and the State", International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, 2009, pp.442-454

 

Richelle M. Bernazzoli, Colin Flint, "Embodying the garrison state? Everyday geographies of militarization in American society", Political Geography, Volume 29, Issue 3, March 2010, pp.157-166

Abstract
This study evaluates the garrison state hypothesis (Lasswell, 1941, 1962), which posited that the United States and other democratic states were becoming militarized societies, dominated by military culture, values, and goals. Building on the work of various scholars who have more recently identified the militarization of U.S. policies and other actions emanating from the formal state apparatus, we have explored the everyday geographies of the nation-state, with particular emphasis upon the experiences and activities of people in local settings. Considering the contingency of how everyday geographies of the state are constituted, two towns (Hopkinsville, Kentucky and Clarksville, Tennessee) neighboring Fort Campbell, Kentucky are analyzed using interviews, participant observations, and documentary evidence to examine manifestations of militarism and ongoing processes of militarization. Despite their common adjacency to Fort Campbell, the agency of actors in Hopkinsville and Clarksville has at times resulted in different bases for resistance to, and acceptance of, militarizing processes. We conclude that the construction of a ‘friendly’ or democratic ‘garrison state’ does not emerge in a simple, top-down manner, but rather is possible only with the people and practices who constitute the everyday geographies of the state, though this process is negotiated differently in different settings due to the complex centralelocal relations occurring within them.

★Christopher A. Airriess, "Governmentality and power in politically contested space: refugee farming in Hong Kong's New Territories, 1945–1970", Journal of Historical Geography, Volume 31, Issue 4, October 2005, pp.763-783.

Abstract
A small proportion of Mainland Chinese refugee flows into British Hong Kong following the 1949 Communist Revolution in the People’s Republic of China were vegetable farmers, who by the late 1960s engendered a vegetable revolution in New Territories agricultural space. Heterogeneous actors and their differing modalities of power in the late-colonial government possessed an active managerial role in this vegetable revolution anchored in issues of marketing and land tenure. While post-World War Two developmentalist ontologies help explain government intervention in the post-war agricultural economy, this research focuses primarily on the disciplinary techniques deployed within the governance rationalities of the early Cold War period to cultivate pro-government loyalties among a potentially proletarianized, trans-border refugee
farming population perceived by colonial authorities as being susceptible to Communist influence. As ‘experimental space’, marketing innovations were a qualified success, but progress in land reform failed because of the local geopolitical context of colonial rule in the contested space of the New Territories.

J. Häkli, "Governmentality", International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, 2009, Pages 628-633

 

★Matthew G. Hannah, "Calculable territory and the West German census boycott movements of the 1980s", Political Geography, Volume 28, Issue 1, January 2009, Pages 66-75.

 

Abstract
This paper argues that recent signs of a hesitant convergence between discourses on sovereignty and territory and discourses on power/knowledge point to ways in which both discourse of power are linked to calculable territory. Both sovereignty and power/knowledge are based upon intervention, and intervention in turn presupposes these two general forms of power. But intervention is also inherently territorial. The historical context for these claims is set through a brief account of the general sciences of order emerging in the early modern period. The theoretical argument is then given a platform by means of a heuristic model of calculable territory, which, while incomplete and partly counter-factual, provides an overarching framework for understanding a range of recent studies of spatial power relations as contributions to a collective genealogy of calculable territory. An important recent change in the genealogy of calculable territory was brought on by the widespread adoption of electronic information and communications technologies in state institutions and other large organizations over the past quarter century. Both the continued relevance of calculable territory and recent changes in its composition and significance for power relations are illustrated by chronicling one important early set of controversies in the emergence of the ‘information age’: the mass boycott movements inWest Germany in 1983 and 1987 aimed at blocking the federal census in that country. These boycotts clearly show the links between sovereignty, power/knowledge, intervention and calculable territory.

★Jonathan Murdoch, Nkil Ward, "Governmentality and territoriality: The statistical manufacture of Britain's ‘national farm’", Political Geography, Volume 16, Issue 4, May 1997, Pages 307-324.

 

Abstract

This paper examines some of the ways in which state power is extended and consolidated. In particular, Foucault’s notion of ‘governmentality’ is employed to investigate some of the rationalities and technologies used by the modern liberal state to ‘govern at a distance’. Governmentality allows us to explain how the state is able to regulate spheres of civil society that are not under its direct control. In order to undertake this task successfully a host of indirrct mechanisms must be employed to ensure that civil domains are governable. Statistics are cited as one good example of how government at distance is achieved, for the collection of numbers about various populations allows those populations to be acted upon as they are made increasingly visible and calculalde. The example of British agriculture during the 19th and 20th centuries is explored. It illustrates how the collection of statistics gradually rendered agriculture visible and permitted its characterization is an economic sector. The development of a national policy-for the ‘national farmfollowed. which sought to rationalize agriculture in line with statistical representations. Thus a consoliclation of the agricultural territory was achieved during the post-war years. In the process, farms and farmers were disembedded from their immediate socio-spatial contexts as they were integrated into a discrete economic sector.

★Russell Prince, Robin Kearns, David Craig, "Governmentality, discourse and space in the New Zealand health care system, 1991–2003", Health & Place, Volume 12, Issue 3, September 2006, pp.253-266

★Silvia M. Grinberg, "Territories of schooling and schooling territories in contexts of extreme urban poverty in Argentina: Between management and abjection", Emotion, Space and Society, Volume 4, Issue 3, August 2011, Pages 160-171

★Gabriela Valdivia, "Governing relations between people and things: Citizenship, territory, and the political economy of petroleum in Ecuador", Political Geography, Volume 27, Issue 4, May 2008, pp.456-477.

★Timothy W. Luke, "Governmentality and contragovernmentality: rethinking sovereignty and territoriality after the Cold War", Political Geography, Volume 15, Issues 6–7, July–September 1996, Pages 491-507

 

★Stephen Legg, Patricia Ehrkamp, Jeremy W. Crampton, Bernd Belina, Neil Smith, Matthew G. Hannah, "Reading Matthew G. Hannah’s Dark Territory in the Information Age: Learning from the West German Census Controversies of the 1980s", Political Geography, Volume 31, Issue 3, March 2012, Pages 184-193.

 

 

★ Christine Leuenberger and Izhak Schnell, "The politics of maps: Constructing national territories in Israel",  Social Studies of Science,  December 2010;  vol. 40, 6: pp. 803-842.

 

Abstract

Within the last 2000 years the land demarcated by the Mediterranean Sea to the west and the Jordan Valley to the east has been one of the most disputed territories in history. World powers have redrawn its boundaries numerous times. Since the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 within British Mandate Palestine, Palestinians and Israelis have disagreed over the national identity of the land that they both inhabit. The struggles have extended from the battlefields to the classrooms. In the process, different national and ethnic groups have used various sciences, ranging from archeology to history and geography, to prove territorial claims based on their historical presence in the region. But how have various Israeli social and political groups used maps to solidify claims over the territory? In this paper we bring together science studies and critical cartography in order to investigate cartographic representations as socially embedded practices and address how visual rhetoric intersects with knowledge claims in cartography. Before the 1967 war between Israel and its Arab neighbors, the Israeli government and the Jewish National Fund produced maps of Israel that established a Hebrew topography of the land. After 1967, Israel’s expanded territorial control made the demarcation of its borders ever more controversial. Consequently, various Israeli interest groups and political parties increasingly used various cartographic techniques to forge territorial spaces, demarcate disputed boundaries, and inscribe particular national, political, and ethnic identities onto the land.

★Morgan Robertson, "Territorialization, science and the colonial state: the case of Highway 55 in Minnesota", Joel Wainwright and Cultural Geographies,  April 2003;  vol. 10, 2: pp. 196-217